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Estudios Sociales de la Ciencia y de la Tecnología |
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La presente reseña bibliográfica consta de una breve introducción histórica donde se presentan a muy grandes rasgos las principales escuelas y corrientes que constituyen la especialidad de los estudios sociales de la ciencia y la tecnología, así como los autores más importantes que las integran. (Aquellos que aparecen destacados en negrita son quienes figuran recogidos en la bibliografía). La bibliografía se compone de dos listas independientes. La primera recoge el desarrollo del campo en el ámbito internacional. La segunda reune a aquellos investigadores que en España se han interesado de manera más favorable por esta corriente o incluso se han identificado con ella.
El desarrollo de los estudios sociales de la ciencia y la tecnología en los últimos venticinco años comienza con las primeras muestras de descontento con lo que se ha venido en llamar el "Paradigma Mertoniano en la Sociología de la Ciencia". Durante la primera mitad de los años setenta, los propios miembros de esta corriente muestran una creciente inquietud por estudiar la interacción entre los elementos cognitivos de la ciencia -criterios y contenidos- y la estructura social de la comunidad científica. Aunque no recogidos en este bibliografía, tanto Merton como los restantes miembros formados o próximos a la escuela de Columbia (B. Barber, J. Ben-David, J. Cole, S. Cole, D. Crane, J. Gaston, T. Gieryn, W. Hagstrom, I. Mitroff, J.D.S. Price, B. Reskin, H. Rose, S. Rose, N. Storer, R. Whitley, H. Zuckerman) participan de un movimiento de apertura con respecto a los desarrollos más ortodoxos de los años sesenta, aunque sin abandonar la orientación normativa -nomotética- que les había caracterizado. (Buenos compendios bibliográficos de esta escuela -cuyo más conspicuo representante en España es Pedro González Blasco- pueden encontrarse en Medina, 1989 y Torres, 1994).
No obstante, la apertura de los estudios sociales de la ciencia en la dirección interpretativa que regirá la especialidad en los años siguientes se desencadena como consecuencia de la importación de nuevos conceptos desarrollados en la vertiente no formalista de la Filosofía de la Ciencia (P. Feyerabend, N. Goodman, R. Hanson, I. Lakatos, S. Toulmin, W. Quine, L. Wittgenstein) y de un espíritu radicalmente opuesto al etnocentrismo -relativista- desarrollado en los estudios etnográficos (C. Geertz, P. Winch). Estas corrientes confluyen en la obra de T.S. Kuhn, cuya concepción social del quehacer científico abre la oportunidad de una explicación naturalista de los contenidos de la ciencia más allá de las propuestas de reconstrucción racional de la historia de la ciencia. En un primer momento, durante la primera mitad de los años setenta, cierto número de autores exploran las posibles implicaciones que una Sociología de la Ciencia -e incluso una atrevida Sociología del Conocimiento Científico- podrían extraer de la aportación de Kuhn. Numerosos investigadores aportaron su esfuerzo a esta empresa. Cabe citar entre ellos a R.G.A. Dolby, H.J. Kienzle, M.D. King, N. Mullins, D.L. Phillips, J. Ravetz, N. Stehr, K. Tribe, J. Urry, E. Zahar, J. Ziman (una presentación más detallada de su caso y su obra puede consultarse en Medina, 1989 e Iranzo, 1992). Junto a ellos se encontraban ya los principales impulsores de esta corriente en los próximos años. De ellos tratamos a continuación.
Los estudios sociales de la ciencia se constituyeron de una forma dispersa y fragmentaria siguiendo un modelo de "escuelas" conformadas por el trabajo cooperativo de un pequeño grupo de investigadores reunidos en una misma localización geográfica. Durante la década que va de 1975 a 1985 se constituyen formalmente y se difunden por la comunidad de especialistas los programas metodológicos, los trabajos empíricos y las controversias múltiples entre estos diversos grupos de trabajo -que, no obstante, se unen férreamente cada vez que desde otros ámbitos se pone en duda su legitimidad epistémica-.
La primera de estas escuelas en formalizar su existencia, y quizá la más renombrada entre ellas, es la creadora del Programa Fuerte en la Sociología del Conocimiento Científico formada en la Science Studies Unit de la Universidad de Edimburgo. Sus creadores, David Bloor, Barry Barnes, David Edge y Steve Shapin, han desarrollado e impulsado estudios históricos de caso apoyando una metodología naturalista e inductiva cuyo propósito es poner a prueba una Teoría de Intereses de la investigación científica. Entre otros muchos autores que han colaborado en este proyecto destacan como verdaderos discípulos de la escuela Andrew Pickering en el área de la ciencia y Donald MacKenzie en los estudios sobre la tecnología. El carácter pionero de la escuela de Edimburgo le ha acarreado el honor de ser el objetivo privilegiado de quienes se han propuesto alguna vez moderar o incluso aniquilar sus pretensiones. Apoyados principalmente en los trabajos de la antropóloga Mary Douglas y en los de la filósofa Mary Hesse (a quienes parece haberse sumado recientemente como voluntario Steve Fuchs) se han involucrado en importantes y enriquecedores controversias con autores de la talla de James R. Brown, Martin Hollis, Steve Lukes y muchos otros.
A finales de los años setenta la viabilidad de un programa de investigación naturalista del contenido de la ciencia parecía consolidada y, dejando en alguna medida de lado la historiografía, se abordaron diferentes estudios etnográficos del trabajo de los científicos en el laboratorio. Al menos seis escuelas complementarias y competitivas brotaron de esta eclosión de diferentes estudios de caso. En primer lugar, cabe hablar de la escuela de Bath, que acentúa el carácter relativista de la producción situada del conocimiento científico. Harry Collins y Trevor Pinch pueden considerarse el núcleo de esta escuela, seguidos en el ámbito de la historia por figuras como David Gooding o Peter Gallison, entre muchos otrso. En la mísma órbita relativista, pero con un énfasis acaso mayor en la dimensión ético-política de las constroversias y selecciones científicas destaca la escuela de Troy, acaudillada por Sal Restivo, con quien han colaborado Daril Chubin y Marc Zenzen.
Junto a las anteriores se desarrollaron diversas variantes locales de la que puede afirmarse ha sido la orientación más ampliamente adoptada en el campo de los estudios de la ciencia y la tecnología: la constructivista. Acaso el más conocido, por su estrecha relación con el ámbito anglosajón, es el grupo articulado en torno al Centro de Estudios de la Innovación de París, liderado por Michel Callon, Bruno Latour y John Law, y entre cuyos discípulos destacan Madelaine Akrich y Françoise Bastide. Otro grupo de similar orientación funciona en Alemania en torno a Karin Knorr-Cetina. Por último, el grupo austríaco -con una orientación más sistémica- formado en torno a figuras como Helga Nowotny y Wolfgang Krohn, destaca por su papel preponderante en la confección y difusión de uno de los órganos más importantes del campo -Sociology of the Sciences Yearbook-. Tampoco estas orientaciones han progresado exentas de controversias. Los autores mencionados han chocado con cierta oposición por parte de autores como Allan Franklin (y especialmente entre filósofos de persuasión racionalista). No obstante, estas perspectivas también han despertado comprensión, apoyo y una buena medida de adhesion entre filósofos como Steve Fuller, Ian Hacking, Richard Jennings, Thomas Nickles, Warren Schmaus, Paul Tibbets y T. Triplett.
Relativistas y constructivistas constituyen lo que se ha dado en llamar "el giro social en la teoría de la ciencia" (Iranzo, 1992). De otro lado, las etnografías del trabajo científico también han particidado de lo que, paralelamente, se ha denominado "el giro lingüístico en la teoría de la ciencia" (Cotillo-Pereira, 1995). Tres son las escuelas más importantes en este respecto. En primer lugar, la tradición de análisis del discurso centrada en York y abanderada por Nigel Gilbert y Michael Mulkay. Esta ha sido una de las tradiciones más fértiles y vitales del campo, como evidencia el número de adláteres y discípulos que han acompañado o seguido su paso; entre ellos destacan D. Anderson, Charles Bazerman, Augustinne Branningan, Jonathan Potter y Steve Yearley. Cabe señalar que de esta tradición ha surgido en parte dos desarrollos interesantes, uno orientado al estudio de los aparatos gráficos y la iconografía científica general, en cuyo estudio están destacándose autores como Gordon Fyfe y Greg Myers; y otro centrado en el estudio del papel de la retórica en la ciencia, donde se distinguido Richard Harvey Brown, Allan Gross, L.J. Prelli y Herbert Simons.
Otra rica tradición de raigambre lingüística se declara heredera de las observaciones sobre el trabajo científico de Harold Garfinkel y se auto-adscribe a la etnometodología. Su representante más destacado desde finales de los años setenta es Michael J.Lynch, a quien han seguido un amplio grupo de estudiosos donde destacan Paul Atkinson, C. Doran, E. Fuhrman, Eric Livingston, y K. Oehler. Por último, hay que mencionar a la escuela reflexivista articulada en torno a la figura de Steve Woolgar en el Centro de Investigación de la Innovación en Ciencia y Tecnología de Brunel, Londres. Entre los participantes en esta línea de trabajo destacan Malcom Ashmore y H. Lawson entre otros.
A la vista de los resultados conseguidos en el estudio del conocimiento científico la tentación de probar suerte con respecto a la tecnología, apreciada como "el caso más difícil posible". Casi todos los autores principales del campo han realizado investigaciones en este área (Collins, Pinch, MacKenzie, Mulkay, Woolgar), donde hay que reconocer el carácter pionero de los trabajos de Langdom Winner, sin olvidar la ubérrica conexión con los estudios feministas abierta por Ruth Schwartz Cowan. No obstante, los estudios sociales de la tecnología se han fragmentado asimismo en orientaciones más o menos próximas a algunas de las escuelas establecidas en el estudio de la ciencia. Los trabajos de, y reunidos por, Ian Varcoe, Maureen McNeill y Steve Yearley -producidos en el ámbito anglosajón en su mayoría- se sitúan en la órbita de los estudios relativistas de las controversias en ciencia y tecnología. A corta distancia, en el continente europeo, el acento se coloca levemente más en el enfoque constructivista y el liderazgo corresponde al ámbito neerlandés representado por Wiebe Bijker y Arie Rip. En una posición similar se encuentra Geof Bowker.
Para concluir cabe señalar que la generación más reciente de investigadores que han destacado en esta especialidad prestan escasa atención a las fronteras entre ciencia y tecnología o entre conocimiento y sociedad e investigan, más bien, cómo se generan esas diferencias en contextos prácticos y cómo se incorporan en objetos, artefactos, competencias, estratégias, actitudes, etcétera. La importante presencia de mujeres en este grupo -puede citarse a Joan Fujimura, Donna Haraway, Susan Leigh Star, Lucy Suchman y Sharon Traweek- ha aportado una sensibilida especial no sólo con respecto a la producción de diferencias de género por medio de la ciencia y la tecnología, sino también hacia otras formas de diferenciación y discriminación social.
A mediados de los años noventa puede concluirse que el área de los estudios sociales de la ciencia (que reune tanto la sociología de la comunidad científica como la sociología del conocimiento científico) y la tecnología está institucionalizada. No sólo cuenta con múltiples centros especializados donde se concentra su práctica y múltiples posiciones individuales dispersas por toda la academia occidental, sino que está expandiéndose hacia la periferia, a países como España, Hungría, etc. La comunidad cuenta con varios periódicos propios. El más antiguo e importante es Social Studies of Science, pero también Science, Technology & Human Values y Science in Context tienen un peso relevante dentro de sus respectivas especialidades y orientaciones. Con menor periodicidad, pero actuando como órganos expresivos de áreas de problemas potencialmente explotables, figuran publicaciones como Sociological Review Monograph o Sociology of the Sciences Yearbook. Otro de los rasgos peculiares del campo es la frecuencia con que se presentan compilaciones monográficas sobre un área de problemas novedosa que se abre a la investigación. Ejemplos de esto son los dedicados al poder (Law 1986), a la tecnología (Bijker, Hughes y Pinch 1987), a la reflexividad (Woolgar 1988), a la experimentación (Gooding, Schaffer y Pinch 1989) y a las prácticas de representación (Lynch y Woolgar 1990) entre muchos otros.
Por último, hay que señalar que parece haber una pequeña tradición en el área consistente en producir aproximadamente cada diez años un reader que sirve como barómetro de su propia situación como especialidad. Los libros Estudios sobre Sociología de la ciencia (Barnes, 1972a), Science Observed (Knorr-Cetina y Mulkay, 1983a) y Science as Practice and Culture (Pickering, 1992a) marcan los momentos del inicio de la quiebra del mertonianismo, la consolidación de los estudios etnográficos (constructivistas y discursivistas) de la ciencia y, con la maduración de una nueva generación. la consolidación del área en una pragmática y dinámica posición interdisciplinar, interobjetual e intermetodológica.
Para concluir, una referencia a la situación de los estudios sociales de la ciencia y la tecnología en España. La sensibilidad hacia esta especialidad ha calado con cierta profundidad en algunos de los más dinámicos miembros senior de nuestra academia, significadamente en Miguel Beltrán y Emilio Lamo de Espinosa. Otros investigadores y profesores que en época reciente han participado activamente en la investigación en, y la promoción de, este campo han sido Teresa González De la Fe y Ramón Ramos con una aproximación teórica y Emmanuel Lizcano desde una perspectiva histórica. Sin embargo, es imposible hablar de este ámbito sin resucitar la memoria del malogrado Estaban Medina, quien puso en marcha el primer grupo de trabajo especializado en la Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Sociología de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid. Discípulos directos suyos son J. Rubén Blanco, Javier Bustamante, Alberto Cotillo-Pereira, Juan M. Iranzo y Cristobal Torres. Este grupo sigue activo y vinculado a las universidades de Madrid. De otro lado, en otros ámbitos institucionales y territoriales han surgido iniciativas y desarrollos de una calidad muy importante. Álvar Álvarez, Antonio Martínez y Roberto Méndez en la Universidad de Barcelona, José Luis Luján en el Instituto de Estudios Sociales Avanzados (CSIC) de Madrid, Mikel Olazarán en la Universidad del País Vasco y Rafael Pardo en la Universidad Pública Navarra han avanzado de manera significativa en la producción de estudios sociales de la innovación científica y tecnológica, del papel de la ciencia y la tecnología en los ámbitos públicos y de su dinámica propia.
El dinamismo de esta pequeña comunidad y el creciente interés por sus trabajos se manifiesta en el creciente número de tesis doctorales nacidas de este enfoque y, sobre todo, en la publicación reciente de diversos números monográficos dedicados a sus investigaciones clásicas y presentes (como, sin ir más lejos, el que el lector tiene ahora mismo entre sus manos) así como en la aparición de varios textos en los que puede apoyarse su conocimiento y difusión. Las perspectivas de futuro, con todas sus dificultades e incertidumbres, no son desalentadoras. Acaso se haya constituido ya la masa crítica suficiente para interesar a la comunidad científica española en el estudio reflexivo de sus propias prácticas de construcción de realidad.
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